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Modernization has been the
fundamental question in the social development of Tibet in
modern times. The feudal serfdom under theocracy, which had
lasted for several hundred years in Tibet, became an
extremely decadent social system that contradicted the
progressive trend in the modern world, for it stifled the
development of the social productive forces of Tibet,
seriously hindered social progress, relegated Tibet to the
state of extreme poverty, backwardness, isolation and
decline, to the point verging on total collapse.
-- Backward social system and
harsh economic exploitation.
The society of old Tibet under
feudal serfdom was even more dark and backward than in
Europe in the Middle Ages. The three major estate-holders --
officials, nobles and upper-ranking monks in monasteries --
accounted for less than five percent of Tibet's total
population but owned all the farmland, pastures, forests,
mountains and rivers, and the majority of the livestock. The
serfs and slaves, accounting for more than 95 percent of the
population, owned no land or other means of production. They
had no personal freedom, had to depend totally on the manors
of estate-holders for livelihood or act as their family
slaves from generation to generation. They were subjected to
the three-fold exploitation of corvee labor, taxes and
high-interest loans and their lives were no more than
struggles for existence. According to incomplete statistics,
there were over 200 kinds of taxes levied by the Kasha (the
former local government of Tibet) alone. Slaves had to
contribute more than 50 percent or even 70 to 80 percent of
their labor free to the Kasha and estate-holders, and over
60 percent of the farmers and herdsmen were burdened with
similar high-interest loans.
--Rigid hierarchy and savage
political oppression.
The
"13-Article Code" and "16-Article Code"
of old Tibet divided the people into three classes and nine
ranks, enshrining social and political inequality between
the different ranks in law. These codes explicitly stated
that the life of a person of the highest rank of the upper
class was literally worth his weight in gold, while that of
a person of the lowest rank of the lower class was worth
only the price of a straw rope. Serfs could be sold,
transferred, given away, mortgaged or exchanged by their
owners, who had the power over their births, deaths and
marriages. Male or female serfs belonging to different
owners had to pay a "redemption fee" if they
wished to marry, and their children were doomed to be serfs
for life. Serf-owners could punish their serfs at will. The
punishments included flogging, cutting off their hands or
feet, gouging out their eyes, chopping off their ears or
tongues, pulling out their tendons, drowning them and
throwing them down from cliffs.
-- Theocracy and the fetters
of religion.
Religion and
monasteries "commanded the highest respect" in old
Tibet with its theocratic socio-political structure. As the
sole ideology and an independent politico-economic entity,
they enjoyed immense influence and numerous political and
economic privileges and had control over people's spiritual
life. The upper-class monks and priests were Tibet's
principal political rulers and also the biggest serf-owners.
The Dalai Lama, as one of the heads of the Gelug Sect of
Tibetan Buddhism and concurrently the leader of the local
government of Tibet, had all the political and religious
powers in his hands. The former local government of Tibet
practiced a dual clerical and secular officials system, in
which the monk officials were senior to the lay officials.
According to the 1959 statistics, of the 3.3 million kai
(unit of measurement for area used by the Tibetan people, 1
kai=1/15 hectare) of cultivated land in Tibet, 1.2144
million kai were owned by monasteries and upper-class monks,
accounting for 36.8 percent of the total cultivated land,
while aristocrats and clerical and secular officials owned
24 percent and 38.9 percent, respectively.
The Drepung Monastery owned
185 manors, 20,000 serfs, 300 pastures and 16,000 herdsmen.
According to a survey conducted in the 1950s, Tibet had more
than 2,700 temples and monasteries and 120,000 monks, or 12
percent of the total population in Tibet, and about
one-fourth of the male population were monks. In 1952, Lhasa
had an urban population of 37,000, of whom 16,000 were
monks. The widespread temples, numerous monks and frequent
religious activities consumed a huge amount of manpower and
the greater part of material wealth in Tibet, greatly
hindering the development of the productive forces there.
According to the American Tibetologist Melvyn C. Goldstein,
religion and the monasteries were "extremely
conservative" and "played a major role in
thwarting progress" in Tibet; "This
commitment...to the universality of religion as the core
metaphor of Tibetan national identity will be seen...to be a
major factor underlying Tibet's inability to adapt to
changing circumstances."
-- Low level of development
and a precarious life.
Cruel
oppression and exploitation by the feudal serf-owners, and
especially the endless consumption of human and material
resources by religion and monasteries under the theocratic
system and their spiritual enslavement of the people, had
gravely damped the laborers' enthusiasm for production,
stifled the vitality of the Tibetan society and reduced
Tibet to a protracted state of stagnancy. Even in the middle
of the 20th century, Tibet was still extremely isolated and
backward, almost without a trace of modern industry,
commerce, science and technology, education, culture and
health care; primitive farming methods were still being
used; and herdsmen had to travel from place to place grazing
their livestock. There were few strains and breeds of grains
and animals, and some of them had even degenerated. Farm
tools were primitive, grain yield was only 4 to 10 times the
seeds sown, and the level of both the productive forces and
social development was very low. Deaths from hunger and
cold, poverty and diseases were commonplace among the serfs,
and the streets in Lhasa, Xigaze, Qamdo and Nagqu were
crowded with beggars of both sexes, young and old.
Imperialist invasion brought
more disasters for the Tibetan people, and deepened the
social contradictions in Tibet, making it go from bad to
worse. From the middle of the 19th century, China became a
semi-colonial and semi-feudal country, and Tibet, just like
most other parts of the country, was invaded by the Western
powers. In their invasions of Tibet British imperialists
made no scruple about burning, killing and looting, secured
many privileges through a number of unequal treaties, and
carried out colonialist control and exploitation by wantonly
plundering Tibet's resources and dumping their goods on the
Tibetan people. At the same time, they fostered their
trusted followers from among the ruling class and groomed
their agents, in an attempt to divide Tibet from China.
Weighed down by the internal and external double oppression
and exploitation, the masses of the serfs fared worse and
worse, driving them constantly to present petitions to the
government, flee from the land, refuse to pay rent or offer
corvee service and even raise armed revolts. Danger lurked
on every side in Tibet and "the theocratic system is
declining like a lamp consuming its last drop of oil."2
Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme, once a Kaloon (council minister) of
the former local government of Tibet, pointed out in the
1940s several times that if Tibet "goes on like this,
the serfs will all die in the near future, and the nobles
will not be able to live either. The whole Tibet will be
destroyed. "3 So there was a historically imperative
need for the progress of Tibetan society and the happiness
of the Tibetan people to expel the imperialists and shake
off the yoke of feudal serfdom.
The founding of the People's
Republic of China in 1949 brought hope for the deeply
distressed Tibetan people. In conforming to the law of
historical development and the interests of the Tibetan
people, the Central People's Government worked actively to
bring about Tibet's peaceful liberation. After that,
important policies and measures were adopted for Tibet's
Democratic Reform, regional autonomy, large-scale
modernization and reform and opening-up. All this has
contributed to changing the lot of Tibet and propelling
Tibetan society forward in seven-league boots.
-- The peaceful liberation
opened the way for Tibet to march toward modernization.
On May 23, 1951 the
"Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of
Tibet" (hereinafter referred to as the "17-Article
Agreement") was signed by the Central People's
Government and the local government of Tibet, marking the
realization of the peaceful liberation of Tibet and opening
a new page for the development of the region. The peaceful
liberation of Tibet, which was a part of China's national
democratic revolution, enabled Tibet to shake off the
penetration of imperialist forces and the political and
economic shackles imposed by them, ended the discrimination
and oppression against the Tibetan ethnic group in old
China, safeguarded the national sovereignty, unification and
territorial integrity of China, realized the unity of all
ethnic groups in China and the internal unity of Tibet, and
created the essential prerequisites for Tibet to join the
other parts of the country in the drive for common progress
and development. After the peaceful liberation, the People's
Liberation Army and people from other parts of China working
in Tibet persisted in carrying out the 17-Article Agreement
and the policies of the Central Government, actively helped
the Tibetan people build the Xikang-Tibet and Qinghai-Tibet
highways, the Damxung Airport, water conservancy projects,
modern factories, banks, trading companies, post offices,
farms and schools. They adopted a series of measures to help
the farmers and herdsmen expand production, started social
relief and disaster relief programs, and provided free
medical service for the prevention and treatment of epidemic
and other diseases. All this has promoted the economic,
social and cultural development of Tibet, created a new
social atmosphere of modern civilization and progress,
produced a far-reaching influence among people of all walks
of life in Tibet, ended the long-term isolation and
stagnation of the Tibetan society, paved the way for Tibet's
march toward a modern society, and opened up wide prospects
for Tibet's further development.
-- The Democratic Reform
cleared the way for the modernization of Tibet.
In 1951, when Tibet was
liberated peacefully, in consideration of the special
history and reality of Tibet the "17-Article
Agreement" affirmed the necessity of reforming the
social system of Tibet and, at the same time, adopted a
prudent attitude toward the reform. It stipulated that
"the local government of Tibet shall carry out reform
voluntarily, and, when the people demand a reform, shall
settle it through consultation with the Tibetan
leaders." However, some people in the Tibetan ruling
group were totally opposed to reform and raised a hue and
cry about their determination never to carry it out, in
order to perpetuate the feudal serf system. Faced with the
Tibetan people's ever-stronger demand for a democratic
reform, instead of following the popular will they ganged up
with overseas anti-China forces and raised an armed
rebellion on March 10, 1959, in an attempt to split Tibet
from the motherland and seek "independence" for
Tibet. In order to safeguard the unity of the nation and the
basic interests of the Tibetan people, the Central People's
Government took decisive measures to suppress the rebellion
together with the Tibetan people, and carried out the
Democratic Reform of the Tibetan social system.
The Democratic Reform
abolished the feudal serf-owners' right to own land and the
serfs and slaves' personal bondage to the feudal
serf-owners, repealed the old Tibetan laws and barbarous
punishments, and annulled the theocratic system and the
feudal privileges of the clergy. The reform liberated
Tibet's million serfs and slaves politically, economically
and spiritually, making them masters of the land and other
means of production, giving them personal and religious
freedom, and realizing their human rights. The reform
greatly liberated the social productive forces in Tibet, and
opened up the road toward modernization. According to
statistics, the former serfs and slaves got over 2.8 million
kai of land in the Democratic Reform and, in 1960, when the
Democratic Reform was basically completed, the total grain
yield for the whole of Tibet was 12.6 percent higher than in
1959 and 17.7 percent higher than in 1958, before the
Democratic Reform. Moreover, the total amount of livestock
was 9.9 percent more than in 1959.
-- The implementation of
regional ethnic autonomy provided a firm institutional
guarantee for the modernization of Tibet.
After the Democratic Reform,
the Tibetan people, like people of all other ethnic groups
throughout China, enjoyed all the political rights provided
by the Constitution and law. In 1961, a general election was
held all over Tibet. For the first time, the former serfs
and slaves were able to enjoy democratic rights as their own
masters, and actively participated in the election of power
organs and governments at all levels in the region. Many
emancipated serfs and slaves took up leading posts at
various levels in the region. In September 1965, the First
People's Congress of Tibet was successfully convened, at
which the founding of the Tibet Autonomous Region and the
Regional People's Government was officially proclaimed. The
founding of the Tibet Autonomous Region and the
implementation of regional ethnic autonomy institutionally
ensured the realization of the policy of equality, unity,
mutual help and common prosperity among all ethnic groups in
the region, and guaranteed the Tibetan people's right to
equal participation in the administration of state affairs
as well as the right to independent administration of local
and ethnic affairs. In this way, an institutional guarantee
was provided for Tibet to develop along with the other parts
of China, with special support and assistance by the state
and according to its local characteristics.
-- The policy of reform and
opening-up gave a powerful impetus to the modernization of
Tibet.
The 1980s witnessed a
great upsurge of the reform, opening-up and modernization
drive in Tibet, as in the other parts of China. To promote
the development of Tibet, the Central Government formulated
a series of special favorable policies, such as
"long-term right to use and independently operate land
by individual households" and "long-term policy of
individual households' ownership, raising and management of
livestock." These policies promoted the reform of the
economic system and opening-up in Tibet. Since 1984, 43
projects have been launched in Tibet with state investment
and aid from nine provinces and municipalities. The
implementation of the policy of reform and opening-up and
the state aid have strengthened and invigorated Tibetan
industry, agriculture, animal husbandry and the tertiary
industry with trade, catering and tourism as its mainstays,
raised the overall level of industries and the level of
commercialization of economic activities in Tibet, and
helped Tibet take another step forward in its economic and
social development.
-- The
modernization drive in Tibet has entered the new stage of
rapid development with the strategic decision of the Central
Government to accord special attention to Tibet and get all
the other parts of China to aid Tibet.
In 1994, the Central
Government held the Third Forum on Work in Tibet, and set
the guiding principles for work in the region in the new era
as follows: Focusing efforts on economic construction,
firmly grasping the two major tasks of developing the
economy and stabilizing the situation, securing the
high-speed development of the economy, overall social
progress and lasting political stability in Tibet, and
ensuring continuous improvement of the Tibetan people's
living standards. At the forum, the Central Government also
adopted the important decision to devote special attention
to Tibet and get all the other parts of China to aid Tibet,
and formulated a sequence of special favorable policies and
measures for speeding up the development of Tibet. The forum
formed a mechanism for all-round aid to the modernization of
Tibet, by which the state would directly invest in
construction projects in the region, the Central Government
provide financial subsidies, and the other parts of the
country provide counterpart aid. Since 1994, the Central
Government has directly invested a total of 4.86 billion
yuan in 62 projects; 15 provinces and municipalities and the
various ministries and commissions under the State Council
have also given aid gratis for the construction of 716
projects, contributing a total of 3.16 billion yuan; and
over 1,900 cadres have been sent from all over the country
to assist in Tibet's construction. As a result, the
production and living conditions in Tibet have been greatly
improved and its social and economic developments revved up.
In the meantime, Tibet has promoted all-round reform in its
economic and technological systems, adjusted its economic
structure and mechanism of enterprise operation and
management, set up a complete social security system,
enlarged its scope of opening-up, and actively encouraged
and attracted funds from both home and abroad for its
economic construction. In this way, the economy with diverse
forms of ownership has developed rapidly, and Tibet's inner
vitality for growth has been strengthened. In June 2001, the
Central Government held the Fourth Forum on Work in Tibet,
at which it drew up an ambitious blueprint for Tibet's
overall modernization in the new century, and decided to
adopt more effective policies and measures to further
strengthen the support for the modernization of Tibet.
With attention from the
Central Government, aid from the other parts of the country
and the efforts of people of all ethnic groups in Tibet, the
development of the region's economy has been speeded up, the
people's living standards have been greatly improved, and
the modernization drive is vibrant with life as never
before. According to statistics, from 1994 to 2000, the
gross domestic product (GDP) in Tibet increased by 130
percent, or a yearly increase of 12.4 percent, changing the
situation in which Tibet had lagged behind the other parts
of China in the GDP growth rate for a long time in the past.
Urban residents' disposable income per capita and the
farmers and herdsmen's income per capita increased by 62.9
percent and 93.6 percent, respectively; and the impoverished
population decreased from 480,000 in the early 1990s to just
over 70,000.
To sum up, the
development history of Tibet in the past five decades since
its peaceful liberation has been one of proceeding from
darkness to brightness, from backwardness to progress, from
poverty to prosperity and from isolation to openness, and of
the region marching toward modernization as a part of the
big family of
China.
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